Ed. by Jean Daigle Centre d’études acadiennes: Moncton 1982

Acadia, 1604-1763 [Jean Daigle]

p. 18 The peninsula that Verrazano called Arcadia was present day Delmarva (Delaware, Maryland, Virginia). He landed
around the Washington DC area.

The French king, starting in 1588, gave out fur trade monopolies to finance colonization. Pierre du Gua sieur De Monts (a
Protestant merchant) got a 10 year trade monopoly from Henry IV in 1603 ... between the 40th and 46th parallels. He was
supposed to bring settlers. [Pierre du Gua, sieur de Monts: records; Colonial and Saintongeois, London, Quaritch, 1939]

p. 19 He and his group (~80) settled on Ile Saint Croix in 1604, as it offered protection from raiders. Some of them had been to
the St. Lawrence valley before, but hadn’t found a passage to China, gold, or silver. Half died that first winter, and they
dismantled the buildings and moved them over to settle Port Royal. The fur trade barely covered expenses; and they couldn’t
stop all the "illegal" fur trade that was also going on.

More people (like Marc Lescarbot, lawyer) arrived in 1606. He wrote a play, le Theatre de Neptune. Also, Samuel de
Champlain founded the Ordre du bon Temps (Order of Good Cheer), where they took turns in providing food for the group.

After enough complaining by French merchants, De Mont’s monopoly was revoked in 1607. He left the settlement in charge of
the Indians and everyone returned to France.

Jean de Poutrincourt (one of those with De Mont) obtained a grant in the area and returned. Two of those with him were
Claude & Charles LaTour.

p. 20 Poutrincourt went to the Jesuits for money, and had to take 2 Jesuit preists with him in return. They were to assist secular
priest Jesse Fleche. But the Jesuits accused him of baptizing the Indians with out first giving them proper instruction. The matter
went all the way back to the French courts. The Jesuits left the area in 1613 and started their own colony at Saint sauveur (near
Mount Desert Island in Maine).

In July, 1613, Samuel Argall, a soldier of fortune from Virginia, destroyed the Acadian settlements. The Saint Saveur colonists
were sent back to France. Poutrincourt’s son, Charles de Biencourt, and a few of his companions stayed in Port Royal. The
area was pretty much neglected by both countries till the 1620s. Those who remained still traded in the area. Biencourt died in
1623, and his self-proclaimed heir (Claude LaTour) took charge and traded from Cap Sable to Port Lomeron. The population
was at Cap Negre and Port Royal. But, since they were there, there began to be a distinction made between New France and
"Acadia, or the land of the Souriquois". [Relation de la Nouvelle-France, de ses terres, anturel du pais, & de ses habitants,
Pierre Biard, Lyon: Muguet, 1616, p. 4]

The compagnie des Cent-Associes (Company of 100 Associates) was formed in 1627 by Richelieu. Private individuals were
no longer responsible for colonizing the area.

p. 21 Acadia, called Nova Scotia, had been granted to the Scot, William Alexander in 1621. But he didn’t try to colonize it till
1629, a year after the Kirke brothers destroyed French posts there. When he did try this colonization, he made Claude LaTour
baronet of Nova Scotia and granted him a large piece of land in southern Nova Scotia. Claude tried to get Charles to join the
English, but failed. At Cap Sable in 1630, they fought each other and Charles won. He was appointed Lieut. General of
Acadian that year. France sent aid so he could build a fort at Cap Sable. He built another at the St. John River, 2 years later.

Acadia served as a barrier to New France.

Isaac de Razilly, a commander of the Order of Malta, was appointed governor of Acadia in 1632 and brought 300 "crack"
men, though most of them settled there permanently. [La Gazette de Renaudot, July 16, 1632, p. 282]

Now we have the first serious attempt to colonize Acadia. Some of them could harvest salt from the salt marshes.

p. 22 They built dykes to harvest salt and to reclaim alluvial land that was flooded twice a day by the big Bay of Fundy tides.
The salt was used to preserve the cod.

When Razilly died in 1635, a form of civil war of the leaders was fought. Razilly’s assistant, Charles de Menou d’Aulnay moved
the settlement from La Heve to Port Royal. Charles LaTour was at Cap Sable and on the St. John River. They both asked
France for the territory. France, illustrating its ignorance of the situation, granted them each other’s land. [Public Archives of
Canada (PAC), C11D, 1:63, "Louis XIII a d’Aulnay et la Tour", Feb. 10, 1638]

They continued to develop their areas. Each made agreements with Massachusetts for money or troops. Both appeared to bring
colonists, working through an agent at La Rochelle. They usually stayed only for the length of their contract ... 1-3 years.

p. 23 The first mention of families comes in a 1644 note by d’Aulnay who says there were "20 French couples who came with
their families."

When d’Aulnay died in 1650, LaTour returned from exile in New France, ready to take over. But Emmanuel LeBorgne, a
French merchant who had loaned d’Aulnay a lot of money, arrived to make his own claims. He took control of d’Aulnay’s area
and even attacked LaTour and Nicolas Denys.

Robert Sedgewick had been ordered by Robert Cromwell to attack New Holland (New York). But after he got everything
ready, a peace treaty was signed between the English and the Dutch. So he attacked Acadia and destroyed most of the
settlements (even though it was peacetime). Thomas Temple was made its governor, though he lived in Boston and seldom
visited Acadia.

Though the English didn’t make a real impact on Acadia, it did produce a time where the settlers had little contact with the
French, but more contact with the New Englanders. Some learned a bit of English to communicate. They learned to get along
with the English. And those born in this period were those in charge once England took over for good in 1710.

p. 24 In 1666, France decided not to send colonists to the New World. They it "would not be prudent to depopulate its
kingdom to populate Canada." [PAC, C11A, 2:199, "Colbert a Talon", Jan. 5, 1666]

Meanwhile, many English were still making the trip to avoid religious persecution and for economic success. In 1670, Acadia
had about 400 people, while Massachusetts had 40,000.

The Treaty of Breda in 1667 returned Acadia to France. But Temple made things difficult, and the new French governor
(Grandfontaine) didn’t take control till 1670. He brought 30 soldiers and 60 settlers. He had to restore French authority and
keep the English out. Because it was between 2 rival colonies (New France and New England), Acadia was often the subject of
dispute and attack.

p. 25 Though a royal colony, it received little help from France. New Englanders continued their trade with Acadia.

In 1674, Julian Aernoutz, a Dutch naval officer, captured Pentagouet (miliatry headquarters of Acadia) after less then 2 hours of
fighting. Jemseg was also taken, and the area was plundered.

p. 26 They had been successful at reclaiming the salt marshes for farming. They were called sea land reclaimers (les défricheurs
d’eau). Around 1674, some moved to Beaubassin. In the mid 1680s, Les Mines was settled. The same dyking system was used
at the new settlements. Until 1710, there was only one drought (1699), and that was probably only in the Port Royal area. ["La
famine de 1699 en Acadie", Jean Daigle, Les Cahiers, Societe historique acadienne, vol. 7, No. 3, 1976, p. 147-149]

p. 27 There were 2 epidemics in Acadia: one in 1709 (50 died, including some English prisoners at Port Royal) and one in 1751
(25 died).

When commander Marson died in July 1678, Frontenac (gov. of New France) wanted to take over Acadia so he sent
LaVilliere as commander (though this was never approved by the king). LaVilliere moved his family to Acadia. He didn’t get
official approval because he sold fishing licenses to the English. The Compagnie de la Peche Sedentaire (Compagnie
d’Acadie), formed in 1682, complained about him. The Compagnie was designed to encourage use of Acadians to dry and salt
the fish, though it never really succeeded. He was replaced in 1684 by Francois Marie Perrot, who continued LaValliere’s
practices.

p. 28 The two Indian tribes in the area were the Micmacs in Nova Scotia and the Abenaquis in New Brunswick/Main.
Franchman Jean Francois d’Abbadie de Saint Castin settled at the Pentagouet (Penobscot) River, married the daughter of an
Indian chief, and was a strength in the region. He and the Indians traded furs with the New Englanders to get items not available
from France.

Though such trade with New England was forbidden, it occurred frequently. Acadia traded excess grains (wheat, barley, etc.)
and furs for manufacured items (dishes, needles, knives) and items from the West Indies (rum, sugar, molasses).

p. 29 During the War of the League of Augsburg (1689-1697), New France’s gov. Frontenac made 3 mid-winter attacks on
New England (at Schenectady, NY, Salmon Falls, MA, and Fort Loyal, ME). Massachusetts wanted to strike back, and the
nearest available French target was Acadia.

Perrot’s successor, Menneval, only had 100 soldiers with him. William Phipps brought 7 ships and 700 men, captured Port
Royal, plundered anything of value, and returned to Boston. He left a council of Acadians to conduct business. The Port Royal
Acadians swore an oath of allegiance to England ... hoping to calm things down and avoid further English persecution. But the
English basically left Acadia alone. The dispute was settled by the Treaty of Ryswick in 1697, which ended the war in Europe.

p. 30 The wars in Europe (League of Augsburg, 1689-1697 and Spanish Succession, 1702-1713) gave the New Englanders a
reason to attack Acadia. Acadia was the weakest colony in North America at the time. It’s small population made it an easy
target. As a result of the war of the League of Augsburg, d’Iberville attacked the English Fort Pemaquid in Maine and took it in
spring 1696.

p. 31 New France Acadia American Colonies

1608 28 10 100

1640 220 200 28000

1680 9700 800 155000

1710 16000 1700 357000

1750 55000 8000 1200000

To retaliate, Massachusetts sent Col. Benjamin Church in the fall to attack the Acadian settlements. He destroyed them and
messed up the dykes. The flooded fields would require 3 years till they could be planted.

Port Royal was attacked again, once in 1704, twice in 1707, and once in 1710. The emotional and blood ties in this rural
community held them together.

p. 32 Priests at the Seminaire de Quebec were urged to go to Acadia. Saint Vallier produced a written report of his 1686 visit,
Estat present de l’Eglise et de la colonie francaise. Father Petit established a school at Port Royal in the 1670s. The soeurs
de la Congregation may have opened a girls school there in 1687.

The Peace of Ryswick was signed in 1697, and 5 years of peace followed. Though still not technically allowed, the Acadians
saw peacetime as an opportunity to engage in even more trade with New England.

p. 33 But the War of Spanish Succession in 1702 in Europe meant more trouble for Acadia. The Massachusetts colonist saw a
new opportunity to turn Acadia into an English colony. They attacked in 1704 and 1707, but were unsuccessful. The looting of
the settlements, however, made this a very troubling time for the Acadians. Due to the English presence in nearby waters, it was
difficult for supplies from France to be delivered. Many of their "imported" goods came from privateers working in the area.

p. 34 In 1709, for example, at least 35 ships were taken. The governor (Subercase) kept asking France for assistance, but none was forthcoming. New England, on the other hand, did receive help from abroad. England sent 5 ships and troops to assist the New Englanders. They headed for Acadia and reached Port Royal in late September 1710. Since Subercase had only 300 soldiers, the resistance was futile. Subercase surrendered on October 12, 1710.

Just about the only English immigrants to Acadia before 1749 were a few English traders at Port Royal. Many thought that Acadian would be returned to France after a treaty, as with the Treaty of Ryswick in 1697; but this wasn't the case. Instead, English occupation began for the first time. There were now 400 English soldiers there. To pay the troops, Col. Vetch tried to tax the Acadians.

p. 35 The Acadians weren't used to this and found every excuse possible not to pay, or to pay as little as possible. And when the Acadians were asked to help by working on fortifications, a number of excuses were offered up ... horses were too thin, the Indians might attack, there was ice on the river, etc. This uncooperative attitude would stay with them through the years.

The Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 allowed France to keep Ile Royale, but they lost Hudson Bay, Acadia, and Newfoundland. One element of the treaty was that it gave Acadians one year to move away if they so chose. This period was later extended by Queen Anne. More on the treaty can be found in Corinne Laplante's M.A. thesis at the Universite de Moncton (1972), "Le Traite d'Utrecht et l'Acadie: une etude sur la correspondance secrete et officielle qui a entoure la signature du traite d'Utrecht."

Though France encouraged the Acadians to move to Ile Royale, they had sent scouts and found poor prospects for farming ... so most stayed put. In addition, the English forbid them to build boats and wouldn't allow them to sell their property and livestock. The English saw Acadian movement to Ile Royale as a possible strengthening of French forces there.

p. 36 As time went by, France stopped putting so much pressure on the Acadians to have them move to Ile Royale. If there were a war, they hoped Acadians in Nova Scotia would assist France.

The government of Nova Scotia from 1713-1720 was led by a council of soldiers. Cases were submitted to a military tribunal. In 1720, government by martial law was ceased. Since most governors lived elsewhere, lieut. governors were dealing with the Acadians in Nova Scotia. Legislative matters were conducted by a 12 member council. The General Court (Nova Scotia's court of justice) met 4 times a year. Though the American colonies had Assemblies, there was none in Nova Scotia (since it would have been made of Acadians). Acadian delegates were appointed; their job was to bring government orders to the people, and to bring the people's needs to the government. These were the people who refused (in the name of the people) to take the oath. The 24 delegates included: 12 from Les Mines (like Alexandre Bourg), 6 from Port Royal (like Prudent Robichaud), 4 from Cobequid (like Charles Robichaud), and 2 from Beaubassin. They were usually some of the more prominent men of the community.

p. 37 A major task taken by the English was to get the Acadians to swear the oath of allegiance and become British subjects. It was common for England to require its subjects to take an oath of allegiance. Vetch tried to get them to take one from 1710 to 1713. The Acadians refused an unconditional oath, expressing concerns about their Catholic faith and not fighting against French & Indians. Vetch threatened expulsion, since refusal of the oath could be viewed as an act of rebellion. When he realized they might move to Ile Royale and strengthen French forces, he changed his mind. Jules Leger deals with this in his M.A. thesis at Canisius College (1963), "Guides to Understanding the Acadian Dispersion."

The Acadians expressed 3 points of concern: that they be able to continue their Catholic faith, the Indians (allies of the French) might attack an Acadian who fought against the French, and that the English take the Acadians history into account. An unconditional oath was attempted by Lieut. Gov. Armstrong in 1726 and 1727 and by Gov. Philipps in 1729. Finally, the Acadians swore an oath in 1730. It said, "I sincerely promise and swear, as a Christian, that I will be utterly faithful and will truly obey His Majesty King George the Second, whom I acknowledge as the sovereign Lord of Nova Scotia and Acadia. So help me God." That is all Philipps reported. But, the oath they took continued, " ... that the inhabitants, when they have sworn hereto, will not be obliged to take up arms against France or against the Savages, and the said Inhabitants have further promised that they will not take up arms against the King of England or against its government." [Naomi Griffiths, The Acadians: Creation of a People, p. 26]

p. 38 This second part, a verbal promise, was notarized ... but was not on the copy that Philipps sent to England.

Though the Acadians wouldn't move there, France started sending people to Ile Royale. The fort at Louisbourg was begun in 1720. The population of Cape Breton rose from 700 in 1715 to 2800 in 1723. Louisbourg was the largest settlement on the island. Other settlements included St. Pierre near the Straight of Canso (which had slate mines) and Niganiche on the Gulf of St. Lawrence (a fishing port). The fort at Louisbourg (which was destroyed in 1758) cost millions of livres to build.

p. 39 Though a military settlement, there were also 1000 people in the fishing industry at Louisbourg, and it served as a trading location. Ships arrived with goods (31 in 1717, 100+ in 1723, etc.). France sent clothes, cloth, hardware, salt, and wine. New France sent grain, livestock, lumber, and vegatables. West Indies sent molasses, sugar, rum, coffee, and tobacco.

Acadians weren't supposed to trade with Ile Royale, though it happened anyway. The isthmus sent livestock, furs, and grains. It is thought that the Acadians saved the money received for a rainy day. The governing force at Port Royal was too small and too far away to prevent this illegal trading.

For the Acadians, 1713 to 1744 was the most peaceful period of their existence. The population grew faster in this period that in any other.

p. 40 England had banned the Acadians from developing new land. But the rapidly increasing population forced them to do so. At Beaubassin, for example, they spread out to the Memramcook, Petitcodiac, and Chipoudie rivers areas. In the 1730s, England bought out the rights from the LaTour family and assumed the seigneurial system was over. England wanted to settle the new lands with their own settlers.

England did try to collect taxes, but again the Acadians came up with a variety of excuses. Only 30 pounds were collected in 1732, and only 15 pounds in 1745.

Generally, if the Acadians had a problems they settled it amongst themselves (priests, patriarchs) without going to the English authorities.

Even though the Treaty of Utrecht allowed the practice of Catholicism "insofar as the laws of Great Britain allowed," those laws of Great Britain were stacked against Catholicism. But the Acadians' religion was not infringed upon by the English. The English allowed them their priests, but were concerned about their influence. They sometimes accused priests of creating an anti-English feeling ... of using the sword more than the cross. [Micheline Dumont-Johnson, Apotres ou agitateurs: la France missionnaire en Acadie, Trois Rivieres, Boreal Express, 1970]

p. 41 The missionaries had some degree of influence on the Indians. But the Indians didn't give them (or even their own chiefs) complete authority. The French officers at Louisbourg and Beausejour were jealous of their influence, and the English officers at Port Royal were wary of it.

When war broke out in the 1740s (War of Austrian Succession), Louisbourg thought the Acadians would fight on their side, and England thought they might revolt also. The Acadians were still holding fast to their 1730 oath. Some may have gone one way or the other, but most stayed neutral.

Louisbourg first heard of the news that war had begun (on March 15, 1744) and attacked a fishing port at the Canso straight. Another force from Louisbourg attacked Annapolis Royal (Port Royal) in August, but failed.

In mid-winter of 1745, New France sent Sieur de La Malgue (with 100 militiamen and 400 Indians) to Nova Scotia. They tried to recruit help in the Acadian settlements. They arrived at Annapolis Royal in May.

p. 42

Acadia, 1763-1978 [Leon Theriault]

Geography and the Acadians [Samuel Arseneault]

Settlement and Population Growth [Muriel Roy]

p. 128 When the English took Acadia in 1710, they though that they had ALL of Acadia. But the French only thought they were giving up the peninsula. Ile Royale and Ile St. Jean were still French after the 1713 treaty.

p. 129 35 of the men died that first winter on St. Croix Island of cold and scurvy ... including the Protestant minister. When de Mont's trading rights were revoked in the summer of 1607, the colony was abandoned. Robert Rumilly, in his Histore des Acadians, says that "not a single European stayed behind permanently in New France." (p. 22-23)

p. 130 Poutrincourt got the Port Royal concession and returned in 1610 with his sons (Charles & Jacques), the LaTours (Claude & Charles), a priest, and Louis Hebert (who had been on the first trip). He gave out land to 23 of the men. In 1611, Poutrincourt's wife (Jeanne de Salazar) came ... along with 2 Jesuit priests and 60 others. He continued to recruit and wanted them to settle and raise families in Acadia.

One of the financial supporters, Madame de Guercheville, stopped here support over religious reasons and another settlement was made on Ile des Monts Deserts (Mount Desert Island). Sieur de la Saussaye was in charge of the 4 Jesuits and about 30 colonists at St. Sauveur.

After Argall attacked and burned all of the buildings at Port Royal, many of the settlers like Louis Hebert returned to France. Some, led by Charles Biencourt and Charles LaTour stayed. The continued trading and living in the area.

p. 131 Port Royal was renamed Scotch Fort under William Alexander and 70 settlers arrived in 1629. Most left after France regained control in 1632.

Most of Razilly's 300 men in 1632 were unmarried engages. Rameau says (p. 86) that 12-15 families were in the group, though Massignon disagrees (p. 34) since no births were recorded. Razilly gave out about 40 tracts of land. The Gazette de Renaudot announced provisions and munitions were being sent to Acadia in 1633, and recruitment continued each year thereafter. [Massignon, p. 32]

p. 132 3 people on the St. Jehan (which left La Rochelle in 1636) were on the 1671 census ... like Pierre Martin and Jeanne Motin.

Besides Port Royal, Charles LaTour and Nicolas Denys had 150-180 people elsewhere in Acadia. LaTour was at Cape Sable, the south end of Nova Scotia, and the St. John River. Denys was along the Gulf of St. Lawrence. There was also a group at La Heve.

After Razilly died, d'Aulnay moved the settlement to Port Royal. The farming was better there. Some French (metis=French-Indian couples) stayed behind. D'Aulnay made repeated trips to France for recruitment. In 1640, 25 men and 5 women arrived at Port Royal. D'Aulnay brought more engages and about 20 families in 1642. [Rameau, p. 92]

p. 133 In 1650, there were about 400 people in Acadia. Most, 45-50 families were around Port Royal and La Heve. About 60 men were with LaTour and Denys. [Rameau, p. 110] Only a few left in 1654 when the English took over.

p. 134 Official census Clark est. Rameau est. Roy est.

1671 392 500 440 440

1686 894 900 920 932

1689 813 925 904

1693 1018 1200 1068 1169

1698 814 1488

1701 1134 1200 1450 1436

1703 1242 14-1500 1300 1575

1707 1508 17-1800 1807 1907

1714 1947 2500 2628 2908

1737 6958 5000 6958

c. 1750 13000 10000 12000 10500

Some of these use partial censuses.

p. 135 The growth rate was 4.5%. The population more than doubled every 20 years.

p. 137 The first settlers arrived at Beaubassin in 1672. Settlement at Les Mines began as early as 1682. [Clark, p. 139, 148]

p. 138 Port Royal Les Mines Beaubassin

1671 340-350 --- ---

1686 583 57 127

1693 499 305 119

1698 575 --- 174

1701 456 487 188

1703 504 527 246

1707 570 677 326

1714 900 1031 345

1730 900 2500 1010

1737 1406 3736 1816

c. 1750 1750 5000 2800

[Clark, Acadia]

Both Les Mines and Beaubassin grew bigger than Port Royal. At the Bassin des Mines area, Grand Pre was settled first. Then settlements grew up at the Gaspareau, Saint Antoine, Canards, Vieille Habitation, and Perreau Rivers. Later settlements developed on both sides of the Pigiguit and on its tributaries ... the Quennetcou and the Sainte Croix. Further eastward settlements along Cobequid Bay developed. Cobequid has about 1000 people (150 families) just before the exile.

p. 140 Though Beaubassin was settled around 1672, the Gov. of France formed a seigneury there in 1676 and gave it to Michel LeNeuf de la Valliere (who was from Trois Rivieres). It grew slower than Les Mines, though it grew faster after 1713. From 1707, the population about doubled every 10 years.

The outlying posts often consisted of traders, engages, sailors, coureurs de bois, soldiers, and adventurers. Along the Atlantic coast you had Port Rochelais, Port Rossignol, La Heve, Merligueche, Chebouctou, Jeddore, and Chedabouctou. There were settlements on Ile Royale, along the Acadian shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in the Bay of Fundy, the Cap Sable area (Pobomcoup, Cap Neigre, Port LaTour), along the St. John River (Fort LaTour, Jemseg), and along the Atlantic coast down to Pentagouet.

p. 141 Most of the population goes back to the 40-50 families brought by Razilly and d'Aulnay. About 70 families were in the 1671 census. Though few families came after, there was some immigration up to 1710. Rameau estimated that 100 immigrants came to Acadia after 1671. (p. 322). Before 1710, the population doubled every 15 years. Fertility was high and mortality was low.

p. 142 Deaths due to war, famine, or epidemics were scarce. The plague in Europe never got to Acadia. Births just about always were more than deaths. Infant/child mortality was lower than in France. Child deaths are only about 1/4 of the total 414 deaths recorded. In Port Royal, 74% of babies grew to adulthood, while only 50% in France lived to age 20.

There is no evidence of contraceptive practices. Fertility rates were high.

p. 143 Acadian families averaged 6.75 children. [Hynes, p. 10] To the west, in French Canada, the average was 5.65. Large families were common, with 60% having at least 6 children, and 30% having 8, 9, or 10 children. But families with 14 or more kids were not common. In Port Royal from 1703-1755, Hynes (Some Aspects, p. 11) found 8% of families with no children, 31% with 1-5, 33% with 6-9, 25% with 10-13, and only 3% with 14 or more.

The younger the woman was at marriage, the more kids she had.

p. 145 Acadian girls were encouraged to marry early. The average age was 21 in Acadia, while it was 22 in New France and 25 in France. The husbands were about 5 years older. Once being widowed, men got remarried after an average of 4 years and women after an average of 3.5 years. So the high birth rate was caused by high fertility, younger marriage age, no contraception, and a low celibacy rate.

In 1710, no more than 250 people (15 families) went back to France. But most of the Acadians stayed in Acadia ... even though France wanted them to move to French territory.

p. 146 Ile St. Jean

Soon after England gained Acadia, France began working on Louisbourg. Ile St. Jean was supposed to supply the goods for Ile Royale. So they needed settlers. In 1720, 300 Frenchmen arrived on Ile St. Jean. But the Acadians stayed in Acadia, hoping it would be returned to France and trying to get by with English control. Plus, to farm the island meant clearing uplands.

p. 148 One of the first Acadians on the island was Michel Hache-Gallant, who was the harbor master at Port Lajoie. His family and a few others came the next year. Till 1749, the population grew equally by French and Acadians. The 1740s saw increased immigration. Five Beaubassin families moved to Malpeque in 1741. Eleven families made the move in 1742 and eight more in 1743.

The real movement began in 1749, when Halifax was founded. Acadians began arriving as follows: 1749-151, 1750-860, 1751-326, 1752-27, 1753-400, 1755/56-2000.

p. 149 Starting in 1728, regular censuses were made on the island. The following, from Clark's Three Centuries, p. 28-40, gives the total sedentary population: 1720-250/300, 1728-297 (incl. 136 Acadians), 1730-325, 1734-396 (162), 1735-432 (198), 1739/40-440, 1747-653, 1748-735, 1752-2223, 1753-2641, 1755-3000 (before the Exile) to 5000 (after the Exile).

p. 150 Ile Royale

Nicolas Denys had a post on the island for 20 years at Saint Pierre (south of Bras d'Or Lake). Louisbourg was mostly French. There were 1500 people on Ile Royale in 1716 ... with 1/3 at Louisbourg. There were 1100 fishermen. In 1752, the island had 3500 people, half of which were at Louisbourg. Acadians really didn't go to Ile Royale till the early 1750s.

p. 151 A few hunded did move there, though most returned to Acadia or went to Ile St. Jean. There may have been 100 Acadians at Ile Royale in 1749 and 550 in 1752. But from 1753 to 1758, there were only about 200 there.

The founding of Halifax and uneasy relations with the British led to Acadian movement in the 1750s to French territory ... to such areas as Chipoudy, Mamramcou, along the Petitcoudiac, the St. John River, along the coast (Shediac (Gedaique), Cocagne, Bouctouche, Miramichy), French territory beyond Fort Beausejour, Ile Royale, and Ile St. Jean.

p. 152 By 1755, half of those at Port Royal, Les Mines, and Beaubassin had left for safer territory. In 1748-50, the Acadian population has been estimated at 10,000-13,000. In 1755, it has been estimated at 11,000 to 19,000.

p. 153 Of the 1100 Acadians sent to Virginia and sent to England, only 866 were left by 1763. About 5000-6000 Acadians were at Ile St. Jean at the time of the 1758 deportation. Some (1/3) escaped to the mainland, over 3000 were deported to France, but 700 died in ship sinkings.

Some Acadians tried to hide out. Half the Port Royal population went to Cap Sable and Pobomcoup ... since the English hadn't gotten there yet.

p. 154 About 2000 went to Ile St. Jean. Shortly before the 1758 deportation, about 600 (sick and elderly) of that 2000 were brought by boat to Quebec. The biggest group of refugees was at Miramichy. Some had come from Ile St. Jean in 1758, while others led by Commander Boishebert came from the St. John River Valley. The number there grew to 3500, before being dispersed.

From 1758 to 1762, half of those who had escaped deportation surrendered or were captured. Two thousand were brought to Halifax to be held or to be deported. A group of 300 were sent to France in 1760. Five ships with 1500 Acadians were sent to Boston in 1762, but were refused landing. They returned to Halifax, where they were used as servants and laborers.

p. 155 The 6000 +/- Acadians in the American colonies were down to about 3700 in 1763, where a census found the following: SC-273, CO-788, GA-182, MD-796, MA-1045, NY-249, PA-384. In addition to these 3700, there were 9000-10000 Acadians around America and Europe. Roy says there were 13,400, with 4700 in Acadia and 8700 elsewhere. Leblanc estimated 12600, with only 2336 in Acadia. About 300,000 Acadians were in the Maritimes in the early 1970s.

p. 156 Acadians were still being arrested and deported when some were returning home.

Some of the Acadians in Quebec wanted to go home. About 100 took the British oath and got permisstion to go back to Nova Scotia. But as soon as they arrived, they were imprisoned with 300 others and were part of the group sent to France in 1760.

p. 157 In the American colonies, the Acadians didn't want to be there and the colonists didn't want them there. Roy says those in the southern colonies headed for Louisiana?? Those in the Northeast headed for Quebec and Acadia if they could.

Meanwhile, those who had escaped deportation in Acadia were continually running from the English. Many were captured on the St. John River, at Cap Sable, and as far away as Ristigouche at Chaleur Bay. Some were put in prison. Some were allowed to live temporarily in places. Many died of the cold, illness, hunger, and exhaustion.

p. 159 After the Treaty of Paris, Acadians started to return. A directive was adopted in 1764 that allowed them to return if they settled in small groups in designated places.

By 1763, 12,000 colonists had come to Acadia from New England. Of the Acadians returning to their homeland, the first areas settled were Chezzetcook and Prospect, near Halifax. Some also went to the both sides of the Straight of Canso, and some to the western side of the peninsula. As early as 1767, Acadians were settled along St. Mary's Bay and at the Tousquet and Pobomcoup areas. In the 1780s, Cheticamp and Margaree were settled by Acadians from Ile St. Jean, St. Pierre & Miquelon, and other parts of Cape Breton.

p. 160 Monsignor Denaut visited Nova Scotia in 1803 and found Acadian groups at: Baie St. Marie (1080), Tousquet (400), Chezzetcook & Prospect (520), Canso (1584), and Cheticamp (353). [Rameau, p. 255-266] Permanent Acadian settlements stayed away from the capital. At the Straight of Canso, Acadians settled at Tracadie, Pomquet, and Havre Boucher. South of Cape Breton, Acadians settled at Ile Madame, Arichat, Petit de Grat, and d'Escousse. On Cape Breton, Acadians settled at Ardoise, Riviere Bourgeois, and St. Pierre. Cheticamp became the mother parish to nearby areas like St. Joseph des Moines, Grand Etang, and Petit Etang. Baie St. Marie became known as the French Shore, comprising the parishes of St. Bernard, Anse des Belliveau, Grosses Coques, Pointe de l'Eglise, Comeauville, Saulnierville, Meteghan, Riviere au Saumon, and Concession (to the interior). In south Nova Scotia, Acadians settled at Tousquet (Wedgeport), St. Anne du Ruisseau, and Pubnico. [Marguerite Michaud, Les Acadiens des provinces Maritimes, Guide historique et touristique, Moncton, l'Imprimerie acadienne, 1968, p. 31-35]

p. 161 The 5 parishes that had been set up on Ile St. Jean were: Port La Joye, Havre St. Pierre, Malpeque, Pointe Prime, and St. Louis du Nord est. [Blanchard, p. 39, 51]

Though most escaped or were deported, some hid out. In 1763, the British found about 30 families who were "miserably poor, who had taken refuge in the thick of the woods." [Blanchard, p. 70] A 1768 census found 203 Acadians and 68 English. Acadians were working as fishermen for the English and were living at St. Pierre, Tracadie, Malpeque, and Rustico.

Ile St. Jean was separated from Nova Scotia as a separate province in 1769. It was divided into 67 lots. Acadians were now tenants.

p. 163 Mgr. Denaut reported 687 Acadians on the island in 1803. Most were at Malpeque, Rustico, and Fortune Bay. Future settlement areas were: in the west - Tignish, Bloomfield, Egmont Bay, Mont Carmel, Miscouche, Palmer Road, Summerside, and Wellington; in the middle - Hope River, North Rustico, and Tracadie; in the east - East Point, Souris, Rollo Bay, St. Charles, and St. Peters. [Michard, p. 43-50]

New Brunswick became a separate province in 1784. After being driven from the peninsula, some Acadians headed for Memramcook, Petitcodiac, Chipoudy, and Shediac. But the English kept after them, forcing them further away. Some went to the Chaleur Bay area, Gaspe, and Quebec. Some went to the St. John River. Once the war was over, they tried to settle down, often near the sea or a waterway.

p. 164 By 1800, there were a number of Acadian settlements in New Brunswick. These included Memramcook, Grand Digue, Cocagne, Baie des Ouines, Caraquet, and Bathurst ... the last three settled as early as 1760. St. Basile, in Madawaska, was settled as early as 1786 by Acadians who had been kicked out of the St. John River area by Loyalists. Other Acadian settlements soon sprung up around it. Settlements also appeared at Jacquet River, Inkerman, Petit Rocher, Campbellton, St. Louis, Tracadie, Neguac, Lameque, Pokemouche, Shippagan, Aldouane, Barachois, Buctouche, Shemogue, Richibucto, Richibucto Village, and Saumarez. There were 3700 Acadians in New Brunswick in 1803: Memramcook/Petitcodiac/Minoudie - 1162, Tracadie to Restigouche - 900, Shediac/Buctouche/Richibucto - 894, Madawaska - 446, and Richibucto to Tracadie - 327. As the population grew, they moved further inland.

p. 165 New settlements sprung up in the 1800s at St. Joseph, St. Isidore, St. Paul, St. Marie de Kent, Rogersville, Acadieville, Paquetville, Lorne, Robertville, Balmoral, and Baker Lake.

p. 166 There were 8408 Acadians in 3 Maritime provinces in 1803: NB-3729; NS-3937; PEI-742. In 1871, the federal census found 87,000 Acadians: NB-45,000; NS-33,000; PEI-9000.

p. 167 By 1901, there were 139,006: NB-79,979; NS-45,161; PEI-13,866. In 1951, there were 286,868: NB-197, 631; NS-887,883; PEI-15, 477. The 1971 census found 330, 565: NB-235,025; NS-80,215; PEI-15, 325. So the growth has been much more in NB than in the other 2 provinces. [The population should be approaching 400,000 now?]

p. 170 In 1871, Acadians made up about 1/6 of NB, 1/12 of NS, and about 1/10 of PEI. In 1971, they made up 37% of NB, 10.2% of NS, and 13.7% of PEI.

p. 171 In 1961, Acadians made up about 1/4 of the Maritime provinces. They had only been 1/8 in 1881. In 1971, 70% of the French origin population was in NB; NS had 25% and PEI had 5%.

In NB, 11% were in the north (Restigouche), 19% were in the NW (Madawaska, Victoria), 31% were in the SE (Northumberland South, Kent, Westmorland), and 32% were in the NE (Gloucester, Northumberland North). The other 7% were scattered in NB's other 8 counties.

In NS, 25% were in the SW, 27% were in the center (Halifax), 30% were in the NE (Richmond, Inverness, Antigonish, and Cape Breton). The other 18% were scattered in NS's other 11 counties.

On PEI, most (64%) of the Acadians were in Prince County (where 23.5% of the people were of French origin), 27% were in Queens, and 9% were in Kings.

The Acadian Economy [Aurele Young]

Politics [Philippe Doucet]

The Acadianisation of the Catholic Churhc in Acadia [Leon Theriault]

Acadian Language and Cultural Rights [Michel Bastarache]

Education in Acadia [Alexandre Savoie]

p. 383 The settlements at Tadoussac (1600-01) and Sable Island (1603) had failed. In return for his trade monopoly, De Monts was to colonize the area, convert the savages to Christianity, and to educate them. [L’Ensignement du francais en Acadie (1604-1926), Omer Le Gresley, Gabriel Enault (printer/publisher), Mamers, 1926, p. 9]

p. 384 Marc Lescarbot, who came over in 1606, was the first to teach French to the Indians. He also learned some of their language. [De Gresley, p. 10]

The official reason given for the revoking of De Mont’s monopoly was that he hadn’t won any Christian converts (though I think the influence of the French merchants was really behind it). When Henry IV died, Marie de Medicis sent 2 Jesuits to Port Royal. When this was opposed, she made them sharholders in the company. Two priests (Biart and Masse) were with the group that arrived at Port Royal on May 27, 1611. Their first efforts were to build a chapel, learn the Indians’ language, and educate the Indians. They tried teaching them to speak, read, and write French, but the Indians didn’t see much use in it and forgot it faster than they learned it.

p. 385 When Argall destroyed Saint Saveur and Port Royal in 1613, the priests were two of the people that were sent back to France. The Compagnie des marchands de Bordeaux sent 3 Recollet priests to Acadia in 1618: one went to Port Royal, one to St. John, and one to Miscou. Three more Recollets arrived in 1624, but soon moved on to Quebec. Priests in Acadia continued to teach the Indians and settlers, though the results were meager.

The Company of New France (founded in 1626) was granted to Razilly on May 19, 1632. After the Treaty of St. Germain en Laye in 1632, he set about colonizing the area. Its main task, assigned under Henry IV, was to "people the said country with natural French Catholics" and "impose order on them and educate them." Cardinal Richelieu set about recruiting 200-300 men of all trades. They had to be Catholic. Also, three priests had to be at each settlement. Education at this time was under the auspices of the church.

p. 386 The group of 300 men and 6 Capuchins left Auray on July 4, 1632. It arrived at La Heve on Sept. 8. Using the writings of previous priests and local French who had been living there, they communicated with the Indians. Since it is thought that some of the men brought their wives/families, the first French seminary may have started as early as 1632/33 at La Heve.

After d’Aulnay moved the settlement to Port Royal in 1635, buildings were erected ... including a chapel and a seminary. [Moreau] Indians (30 Mi’kmaq) at the fort were among the students.

In 1641, d’Aulnay brought 20 families and another 6 Capuchins to Acadia. Two new seminaries were built. One was for boys and Indians. The other, which taught more practical "courses", was for girls and Indian girls. Missionary stations were established at: Fort Pentagouet (Castine, ME), 1632-1654; La Heve, 1632-1654; Canso & Nepisiguit, 1648-1655, Fort Saint John, N.B., 1645-1654.

p. 387 It seems the priests also taught in these areas. [Etudes historiques et geographiques, Father Pacifique, Restigouche, Bonaventure County, Quebec, 1935, p. 111-115]

Though some priests may have been sent away during the English period (1654-1670), teaching was till going on. Father Petit of Port Royal wrote in 1685 that "someone" was teaching lessons to the boys. Father Petit asked Mgr. de Saint Vallier of Quebec for help. A nun from the Notre Dame Order in Montreal was sent to teach girls. Sister Chausson of the Daughters of the Cross Order joined the first nun in Acadia in 1701.

After visiting Acadia in 1686, Saint Vallier sent a young Suplician (Geoffry) who built schools with his own money and "furnished them with indispensable objects." [Pelerinage au pays d’Evangeline, H.R. Casgrain, Paris, 1889, p. 53]

p. 388 School had been established in both Canada and Acadia.

Father Mandoux served Port Royal (as assistant, 1690-1696; as priest, 1695-1701). Sulpician Claude Tronson founded a seminary at Port Royal. When Longellow refers to Father Felicien, he is referring to Father Felix Pain. Recollet priest Patrice Rene built a school at Port Royal in 1703. The first 2 Acadian priests (Bernarding and Rene de Gannes de Falaise) probably graduated from there. [Le Gresley, p. 51-52]

Vallier had also stopped at the missions in Miramichi, Restigouche, Canso, Chedabucto, Shediac, Isle St. Jean, and Isle Royale.

When the churches were built at Grand Pre and Beaubassin, schools were built nearby. [Le Gresley, p. 53] The school at Beaubassin was built by Sulpician Claude Trouve (1686-1690).

p. 389 The course of study for primary school included reading/writing in Latin and French, and the 3 R’s of arithmetic. The most important subject was catechism. Latin was taught before French. [Le Gresely, p. 77] One historian states that the literacy rate was higher than for other peoples. [L’Enseignement francais au Canada, V. 2, Lionel Groulx, Les Ecoles des minorites, Montreal, Granger, 1933, p. 7]

p. 390 Under English rule, Father Pain continued to teach at Beaubassin. The Sulpician Breslay was also at Beaubassin in 1723 and at Port Royal from 1724 to 1730. Father Casgrain wrote of Breslay that he was interested in the Acadians spiritual well-being and also educating the youth. [Casgrain, p. 223] The Port Royal school seems to have survived till the Exile.

SOMEWHERE, I SAW THAT ACADIANS WERE 75% LITERATE COMPARED TO 50% FOR OTHER AREAS???

Material Culture in Acadia [Clarence Lebreton]

p. 431 Housing in the Colonial Period

We don't know much about this period, except for a few written accounts. Diereville wrote in Relation du voyage de Port Royal de l'Acadie, 1699-1700, that he rented a house that had "served as a church and was the largest in the place. It had three rooms, with lofts above, and a masonry cellar underneath the middle room. I think that I will have quite comfortable lodgings, considerting the country." (p. 36)

Stone and wood were used, borrowing from the half-timbered method of France. Dovetail joints didn't come along till after the exile.

Check out Nicolas Denys' Description geographique des cotes de l'Amerique Septentriolane.

p. 433 Housing during the Migrations

Homes were small, rectangular (almost square), made of a single room and stone fireplace ... constructed of square timbers. The main tools were cross-cut saws, handsaws, broadaxes, axes, spokeknives, and pocketknives. Nails were seldom used, except perhaps for shingles. Oak pegs were sometimes used. Even door hinges were made of wood. Timbers were squared with a broadaxe. Squared logs might have been used for the floor. Furniture was simple. The table was made of planks. Benches were used for seating. There might be a cabinet against the wall for dishes. The beds served also as rooms and partitions. Boards were nailed to the wooden beds to form a closed box from the floor to the ceiling (called sac a housses). There was a single opening, covered by a curtain. There may have been buckets of water on a bench in the corner. A mug/cup hung from a nail on the wall for all to use. Brooms may have been just a bundle of sticks tied around a stick. Sometimes, nicer ones were made of linden leaves. The musket and powder horn would be hung on the wall. Notches were made in the window sill to tell time by the rays of the sun. There would be a hole in the ceiling next to the wall with a ladder attached to the wall. Things were stored there; and boys often slept up there on straw mattresses. [Father Anselme Chiasson, Cheticamp: histoire et traditions acadiennes, Montcon: Les aboiteaux, 1961, p. 46] Dovetail joints began to be used.

p. 436 Permanent settlement (1784-1850)

Sawmills were more common, so board were used. Stoves were used instead of fireplaces sometimes. So homes began having more than one room.

p. 440 Acadians spent about 60% of their lives inside.

p. 441 Acadian furniture was sturdy but simple. Surviving examples only go back to the period of migrations. Most things were made of pine. They looked like medieval furnitrue, instead of the nice things being made in America. There were dovetail and tenon joints.

p. 448 Agriculture

In spring, men fixed fences, plowed and planted. They harvested in August, September, and October. In November and December they threshed the grain with flails. Oxen were used instead of horses.

p. 452 Flax was grown (often by women) to make linen. They scutched the flax near a stream. The men made looms and spinning wheels for them.

p. 453 Fishing

After the exile, fishing and hunting were their sources of food.

p. 455 Forestry

Wood was cut during the winter. According to an 1886 document, different woods were used for different tasks. For example:

House frames: pine, oak, ash, spruce, chestnut, birch, whitewood

Furniture: birch, sweet cherry, cedar, cherry, pine, whitewood, ash

Farm tools: beech, elm, oak, walnut, ash, whitewood, willow

Paper: poplar, whitewood

Spindles & bobbins: sweet cherry, poplar

p. 457 Some tools at this time (1886) were: brace and hit (virebrequin), auger (terriere), hatchet (hachereau) which also served as a hammer, plane (plaine), braces (guettes) for the large pine logs of the framework.

An arminette was used to dress the ends of the logs. A triquet was used to make tongue-and-groove joints after the squared logs (deligne) had been smoothed out. The logs were pegged and wedged. Mallets were used to pound the logs into the corners.

p. 459 Aboiteaux

The Acadians were the only farmers in America to use this system of drained salt marshes for cropland.

p. 461 They built a system of canals to drain the land. Pascal Poirier says that they got the idea from the French ... like the Saulniers at Saintonge. [Poirier, Clossaire acadian, Moncton, 1953, p. 14] There has been a lot written on the exact origin of the word. As for its definition, some say it is the dykes themselves. But it more properly applies to the draining apparatus.

p. 462 Diereville wrote "They lay 5 or 6 rows of big trees whole in the places where the sea comes into the marshes and lay other trees all along, one on top of the other, and fill in the gaps so well with tamped clay that the water can no longer come through. In the middle of these banks, they make an opening so that at low tide the water in the marshes can flow out and the sea water cannot enter." The opening is a wooden box with a one-way valve (clapet) at one end.

p. 464 Some criticized this method. It appeared lazy that they didn't want to clear the upland. De Brouillan, writing about 1701, said that the land around Port Royal would produce more if the Acadians weren't so lazy. They didn't want to, and only cultivated small plots, because clearing the uplands was hard work. The English also commented that the Acadians didn't like to go into the wooded country; "they divide up their land along the edge of the sea and keep their children near them ..." The English were unfamiliar with this method, but took advantage of it once they settled in Acadia. The marsh, which was a smelly bog infested with mosquitoes, was a potential cropland for the Acadians.

p. 465 The levees were made of marsh clay. Sometimes a crib needed to be places at the base for support. Sod was put on top to prevent erosion. The sides were sloped to allow water to run off. They'd build the levees, then cut canals for the water to flow out. Then they'd patch up the levee, putting the valve system (aboiteau) in places. The rectangular box, 12+ inches wide, may have been 20 feet long. The valve, which opened and closed with the tides, was places at one end. The box was places on a bed (of wood?) so that it wouldn't shift.

p. 468 The box was made of boards or tamarack planks (up to 4 inches thick) and connected with pegs or treenails. A crib was placed at the end to prevent the ground underneath from eroding. The whole operation had to be planned out: where to build the levees, where to put the canals, how big to make it, do you use one or two aboiteau.

The apparatus was sometimes damaged by ice. Ice also sometimes caused holes in the levees. Seaweeds were also a problem, sometimes clogging up the box so it was stopped up or the valve wouldn't work. Muskrats, which the Acadians called petite bete maudite (cursed little beast) used to dig holes in the levees.

p. 470 The system needed constant attention ... to clean out the canals and aboiteau, to repaire holes, etc.

Traditions and Oral Literature in Acadia [Anselme Chiasson]

p. 478 MOTHERHOOD: Pregnant women continued with their normal tasks ... cooking, washing, helping in the garden and fields (in summer) ... up until labor.

p. 479 If there were a possibility of a miscarriage, she did stay in bed. Folk remedies to treat this included having her stay in bed with a saucer of garlic sitting on her stomach.

The topic of having babies wasn’t discussed with children. When labor began, the other children were sent to stay with relatives. When they were allowed to return, they were told that the baby had been found under a cabbage leaf, in the hay, stump, pond, or woodshed. In some areas, they were told that an ugly creature of mid-Lent celebrations (the micareme), or the Indians, or the midwife, or the doctor brought the baby. To explain why the mother was in bed, they were told that she broke a leg. In N.B., they may have been told that the Indians or micareme had broken it or had beaten her.

To protect the limbs, babies were tightly wrapped and placed in cradles. The hair and nails were not cut for the first year; they didn’t want the genie (wits) to escape and create an idiot. Mirrors were kept away from the baby for that year so that he/she wouldn’t grow up to be vain. Since baby powder wasn’t available, some used the powder found between the bark and wood of dead hemlocks. The Acadian term for diapers was drapeaux (swaddling clothes). Baptisms were simple affairs ... no church bells, no festivities.

NAMES: Names sometimes came from a saint (if they were born on his/her day) or from a Bible character. Surnames were only used for outsiders, official documents, and letters. When Acadians spoke of one another, they would say Jean a Pierre (Jean son of Pierre), or even Jacques a Jean a Francois a Pierre ... giving the lineage of the fathers.

CHILDREN: A seventh son or seventh daughter was thought to have a gift of healing. They supposedly could heal bleeding, toothaches, etc. by just touching the area.

p. 480 Games included an elder bouncing a child on his knew ... sometimes saying a rhyme. [Two are given on p. 480]

Mothers or older siblings would accompany a child on his first day of school. Toys were hand made (ie. wagons, balls/bats, toy boats, skates, sleds).

p. 481 Winter games included skating and sledding. Summer games were ball games, blind man’s bluff, button button who’s got the button, hot cold or boiling, etc. More information on the games are on p. 481]

p. 482 There were counting rhymes (2 given). Some games had songs to go with them (1 given).

p. 483 YOUTH: For youth, outdoor entertainment in winter was skating, pick-up ball games, and practical jokes.

p. 484 No organized games probably caused the practical jokes, which included: collecting a pile of farm tools, dying a horse a different color, scaring someone, removing gates, etc. [L’ile de Shippagan, anecdotes, tours et legendes, Francis Savoie, Editions des Aboiteaux, Moncton, 1967, p. 30-45] The bishop even had to warn them to stop it, as some jokes caused damage.

The most common entertainment for youth was gathering (girls and boys) on Sunday afternoon or in the evenings. They played cards, sang or danced to the fiddle or turluteux (hummer), and played parlor games. Some rough parlor games were only for boys, such as tug of war (tirer a la corde) and leg wrestling (tirer a la cuisse). Mixed games were button, button, who’s got the button (bouton); hot, cold or boiling (anguille brulee); thread the needle (enfiler l’aiguille), the shameful chair (la chaise honteuse). It was at these parties that many a couple was formed.

COURTSHIP: Courtship usually occurred under strict parental supervision. It took place at the girl’s home, and they couldn’t go anywhere unchaperoned. The boy could only visit 1 or 2 nights a week and on Sunday. He sat down in the first available seat and didn’t really pay attention to the girl at first. After a while, he would toss her a match or a twig; upon receiving this signal, she would go off by herself and he would join her.

p. 485 Sometimes he’d ask to get a glass of water and return to sit by the girl. The girl would have already set out a jug and glass if she were interested in him. If there was no water, he knew not to return. The girl might be knitting or carding wool during the evening. Engagements were short. The boy would ask to speak to the parents in a separate room (bedroom) and ask to marry their daughter. Sometimes there were even formulas for this ritual (the book mentions one).

When it was approved, they would visit the priest. When horses were riden to the wedding, the bride’s horse’s bridle was decorated with ribbons.

p. 486 Weddings were often in the winter, shortly after Epiphany .. and always on a Tuesday morning. Wedding dinners were held at the bride’s parents’ house, and the evening celebrations at the groom’s parents’. Wedding songs may have been sung (the book has one listed). Upon returning from the honeymoon, they may have been greeted with a round of musket shots (custom from France).

p. 487

Acadian Literature, Bibliography [Marguerite Maillet]

The Visual Arts [Brigitte and Claude Roussee]

The Foundation of a Theatre Tradition in Acadia [Jean Claude Marcus]

Acadians and Their Music [Neil Michaud]